Igor Nagavkin
Leninsk
46 yr old (born in 18.05.1980)
Address: 403117, Волгоградская область, г. Урюпинск, ул. Гора Восточная, 151, ФКУ "ЛИУ № 23 УФСИН России по Волгоградской области", Нагавкин Игорь Борисович, 1980 г.р.
In July 2010, Nagavkin was charged with theft. As a measure of restraint, a travel ban was enforced on him. On 13 April 2011, Nagavkin visited the prosecutor of the Voroshilovsky District of Volgograd to file a complaint and was detained by police officers in the prosecutor's office. The court subsequently modified the measure of restraint, placing him under house arrest. On 11 July 2011, Nagavkin was found guilty and sentenced to 160 hours of community service. On 5 October 2011, a court of appeal sentenced him to an additional fine of 15,000 rubles.
There was also an attempt to initiate a criminal case against Nagavkin for the use of violence against a government official. On 16 April 2010, as Nagavkin was being arrested for attempting to remove a tyre, he allegedly threatened the traffic police officer, who happened to be the husband of the car owner, with violence. Six decisions were issued declining to open a criminal case.
In late September 2016, Nagavkin was detained along with three acquaintances on suspicion of attempting to steal valuables from a pawnshop. On 1 October he was taken into custody. In April 2017, Nagavkin was transferred from the Volgograd region to Moscow, as his case was merged with a murder case that was being investigated in Moscow. Nagavkin has repeatedly declared a hunger strike. In December 2017, he was beaten in the Moscow City Court building. On November 16, 2018, the Moscow City Court ruled to release Nagavkin from custody due to delays in the proceedings, violation of territorial jurisdiction, and the investigator's inability to explain the need to extend the arrest. Nagavkin's case was again transferred to Volgograd. On April 18, 2023, the court in Volgograd sentenced Nagavkin to six years in a penal colony. On July 18, the court of appeal reduced the sentence by two months.
On May 15, 2023, the staff of the pre-trial detention centre where Nagavkin was being held intended to place him in a cell where those being prosecuted in cases of sexual violence, including against minors, were being held. Nagavkin threatened to contact the prosecutor's office and promised the staff serious consequences in a rude manner. The exchange of remarks was filmed on a video recorder and transferred to the Investigative Committee, after which a new case was opened against Nagavkin — for disrupting the work of the pre-trial detention center.
At the trial for the case of disruption of the work of the pre-trial detention center, Nagavkin said that the head of Pretrial Detention Center No. 5, Sergei Kravchuk, through threats and torture, tried to force him to stop writing complaints and defending his innocence. According to the human rights activist defending him, on November 16, a Federal Penitentiary Service officer severely beat his client. And the assistant prosecutor who visits the pre-trial detention center refused to document the beatings. The next day, the head of the detention center, according to Nagavkin, told him that he would "stick a phone up his ass and pull it out with a stick." That same day, Nagavkin was placed in solitary confinement, in response to which he went on a hunger strike. It lasted three days until the prisoner was informed that Kravchuk had been transferred to the position of head of another pre-trial detention center.
On February 27, 2024, the court of cassation returned the theft case to the court of appeal. On April 22, at the request of the prosecutor's office, the court of appeal reclassified the charge as less severe and released Nagavkin from further execution of the sentence.
On June 26, 2024, Nagavkin was sentenced to a two-year suspended sentence in the case of disrupting the work of the pre-trial detention center.
On September 12, 2024, the court of appeal replaced the sentence with two years in a penal colony. On October 9, Nagavkin filed a complaint with the 4th Court of Krasnodar against the ruling of the appeals court and the sentence itself.
Igor Nagavkin
will receive your letter
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Getting started
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On censorship: what can’t I write?
When you send letters or postcards to prisoners, they’re checked by a censor. To make sure your letter gets through, keep these tips in mind:
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These rules are just common sense — don’t put anyone in a bad spot. Follow these tips, and your letter should get through. Otherwise, the censor will likely cross out or remove anything they don’t like. Also, avoid discussing anything confidential.
Is it allowed to send photographs?
Yes, it is allowed. You can attach a photograph, drawing, meme or other images to the letter. In most penal colonies and pre-trial detention centres, only black-and-white printers are available, so colour images are printed without colour.
What language do I use in my letter?
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Should I expect a reply and do I have to respond?
Maintaining a correspondence is more challenging than writing the first letter. But it would be wonderful if you’re able to write regularly. That way, the inmate will have a companion and someone to talk to. People who write letters consistently recommend setting reminders in their calendars. If you don’t feel up to it — that’s okay too. Even a one-time letter is a meaningful gesture and a valuable source of support.
Sometimes letters can get lost, or they might not be passed on, and the person could be moved to another region. Don’t think the person in prison is upset with you or that the communication isn’t working. Just try writing again.
Don’t start lots of similar conversations just for the sake of it or to «boost the numbers». It’s better to pick one person and focus on building a real connection. Always keep in mind the unique feedback and the relationship that develops between you.
We advise saving a copy of your letter or taking a photo of it so you don’t forget what you wrote last time. It happens. Sometimes a lot of time passes between letters.
How do I maintain the correspondence?
When someone in prison writes you a reply, we’ll send it to you by email along with a transcription and translation. To continue the conversation with Vestochka, follow the instructions in our reply email: find the person in the Vestochka directory, fill out the form again, and send your letter. We cover all the expenses. It is free for you.
How can I send letters myself?
If you want to continue writing without our help, you can use prisonmail.online. It’s a service that accepts non-Russian banking cards, but, unfortunately, not all prisons are working with it.
If you have a Russian banking card, you can send letters using F-Pismo or ZT.
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How else can I support Russian dissidents?
You can organize letter-writing events in your communities, push your representatives to focus on Russian political prisoners, welcome Russian exiles, donate and follow independent Russian media and NGOs — and much more. Just don’t forget about what is going on in Russia — do not relent and do not look away.
It says that the prisoner I was assigned was tried for terrorism, or extremism or something else scary, what’s up with that?
The Kremlin is using scary labels to justify its repression against innocent people.
Of course, a sentence for terrorism does not necessarily mean that a person is a political prisoner (unlike, for example, a sentence for «spreading fake news about the Russian army»). And yet we can say that there are at least several groupings of political crackdowns using the threat of terror as a pretext to go after innocents.
First, hundreds of people have been sentenced to long terms due to their alleged involvement in the Islamist party of Hizb ut-Tahrir — this is used primarily as a pretext for crackdowns on Crimean Tatars. The party was banned as a terrorist organization, although there is no evidence that it had any connection with terrorist activity in Russia or Crimea.
Second, the article on calls for terrorism or justification of terrorism (Article 205.2 of the Criminal Code) is considered a «terrorist» article, and is increasingly being applied to those who, due to their disagreement with the war, allow themselves to make harsh statements against the Kremlin.
Third, since the beginning of the war, the authorities have begun to regard the arson of military registration and enlistment offices as terrorist attacks, although there has not been a single case of anyone being seriously harmed by these protest arsons.
Finally, there are a number of cases in which terrorist activity, including through falsification of evidence, is attributed to opponents of the Kremlin. This is done in order to reduce their support in society and put them behind bars for a long time. The article on state treason is used in a similar manner.
I have a different question
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